Currently, the Bedouin village adjacent to the mangrove area in Garghana is part of the ecological destination of tourists, particularly those who access the entrance of the military checkpoint along the coast. But the influx of visitors beyond the limits of Bedouin social absorption and adjustment or carrying capacity has cultural, economic, environment and political implications and consequences that affect their socio-cultural integrity and cohesiveness. Thus, the Bedouin community should be considered as an integral part of the ecotourism development and their welfare should be given topmost consideration/priority to balance the economic growth.
El Bastawisi (1995) described the Bedouin community as marginalized. The Sheik of the Garghana and the Bedouins key leaders complained that they have found it difficult to secure food because the Governor has banned fishing within the Nabq Protected Area. During summer or dry season, the Bedouins rely on fishing as their primary source of livelihood. They preserve fish for the winter as they move to the wadi to escape the cold front and strong gusty winds at the coast. Most of the key Bedouin leaders, who were interviewed, expressed their sentiments that they were being isolated and marginalized by limiting their access to the fishing grounds, as a result of the booming ecotourism industry in South Sinai for the last years. The resort and hotel operators prohibited them from fishing and having access to the fishing grounds within their establishments. The Bedouins agreed to fish only in the designated fishing grounds imposed by the Protectorate of South Sinai. Two months ago, they have been completely banned by the Governor to fish in any of the fishing grounds Thus, they complained that they were continuously being pushed into the hinterlands and being isolated and marginalized because of tourism developments. Unfortunately, because of the tourism boom, the Bedouins’ socio-cultural and economic conditions have deteriorated. Clearly, not all changes lead to betterment––some may lead to retrogression.
The onset of ecotourism and its subsequent economic growth changed the perspective of development for most of the younger generations of Bedouins. They tried to adapt and cope with the changes so as not to be isolated, but along the way, they lost the integrity of their traditional values of simplicity, cohesiveness, respect and traditional loose organization, and livelihood pattern of pasture and raising livestock (El Bastawisi 1995 and Gabr, Personal Communication 21 August 2002).
Hence, any development and investment to uplift the socioeconomic condition of the Bedouins should be responsive to their needs and sensitive to their social structure, culture and value system. Their understanding of the process of any developmental change must be ascertained to win their support and trust. Any socioeconomic or livelihood project should focus on the strengths of the poor (Bedouin) to build up and strengthen their capability to get out of poverty and not to create the “dependency syndrome” (Sing 1998 and Naresh 1998).
Population
The census data (El Bastawisi, 1995) show that Bedouins inhabited the three administrative sectors along the coast of the Gulf of Aqaba: Sharm El Sheikh, Dahab and Nuweiba. Although numbers are considered approximate, about 585 persons from 10 inhabitant groups were recorded to reside in Sharm El Sheikh. There were 1,996 persons, comprising five inhabitant groups, who lived in Dahab and 703 persons of four inhabitant groups resided in Nuweiba.
A large area of land along the coastal area of the Gulf of Aqaba is controlled by El Mezeina, one of the largest and most powerful tribes of the El Tawara Group in South Sinai. Moreover, the three administrative sectors that were mentioned have traditionally formed El Mezeina’s territory. Thus, the census data on Bedouin inhabitants indicated a Mezeinan population.
It is believed that the development of the region brought the significant population movement of migrants, non-Bedouins from other regions, particularly from overpopulated Cairo City. The significant number of immigration reflects the remarkable population movement of government employees, private investors and labourers from the Nile Valley and North Sinai to the region. Employees, administrators and teachers comprised the largest group that moved to the region. Some, particularly those with toddlers and school-age children moved with their families. Others left their families and sought for better opportunities. Newly married couples also preferred to settle in the region.
Other factors that contributed to this were tourism progress, government services and projects introduced to the peninsula. The people lived in administrative housing, provided either by the Israeli or Egyptian government, in Sharm El Sheikh, Dahab and Nuweiba. The lack of housing for teachers was addressed by school building accommodations.
Since the coastal area of Aqaba offers more opportunities for investment, it is expected that more migrants will be encouraged to move to the area and may be displacing the Bedouin population.
The population of Bedouins in the Southern Red Sea Zone is presented in Table 1. In 1996, there were 1,646 and 1,736 people in Marsa Alam and Abu Ghosoun, respectively.
Table 1 Population of the Bedouin in the Southern Red Sea Zone
Location |
1966 |
1976 |
1986 |
1996 |
Marsa Alam |
600 |
600 |
500 |
1,646 |
Abu Ghosoun |
500 |
0 |
1,100 |
1,736 |
Branice-Hamata |
600 |
2,200 |
3,100 | |
Shalateen |
300 |
0 |
1,000 |
n.a. |
Source: Marsa Alam Comprehensive Plan.
Settlements
From the traditional perspective of the Bedouin, an ideal lifestyle is living in a tent with one’s relatives. The tents must be 7–8 meters away from neighbours and far from authorities and strangers. The Bedouin people used to depend on healing herbs, moonlight, sunlight and traditional practices.
Through time, their lifestyle changed and they were able to cope-up with development according to the social and economic situation of the Gulf. There were only few houses found in wadis and mountains and some still preferred to live in small groupings with their relatives. Nobody moved with his or her herds but fishing on the nearest shore was still very common. Houses were made of local stones, wood and tin with extension for herds and poultry near water sources.
Development brought more changes. Shanty settlement was introduced in 1982. El Silk and El Roweisat became known. Both were considered part of the El Nur Suburb of Sharm El Sheikh. El Silk is one kilometre away from the city while the other is 2.5 km away. Later on, the government divided the land into 60 divisions (2.3 m2/division). The Bedouin people looked forward to have new houses, which were estimated to cost EGP 18,000. Existing houses were 1.5– 2 m apart.
Recently, inhabitants of El Silk and El Roweisat were starting to aspire for permanent housing with proper electricity installation and reliable sewage system.
Health Services
Due to the lack of health services, mobile medical clinics were required to visit the Bedouins regularly, especially those who lived in mountains and valleys. The only health centre available was the Hyperbaric Centre in Sharm El Sheik. Thus, the Bedouins had to depend partly on traditional cure. In critical cases, patients were advised to visit physicians and doctors in Suez, Ismailia or in Cairo. Since economic status was also reflected on the kind of health services one gets, the present condition still needs improvement.
Water Sources
Lack of water is a problem for the Bedouins. Drinking water has to be transported from Sharm El Sheikh. Even though the Protectorate provides water, they have to seek other government help to address the problem. This indicates a relatively poor economic situation.
Occupational Activities and Job Opportunities
Activities of Bedouin communities are no longer limited to traditional ones such as livestock raising, minor seasonal agriculture, horticulture and fishing Tourism, construction, business and other work opportunities are getting popular. However, divisions of labour according to sex and age are still observed in some occupations. The following cases are some of the very common jobs among Bedouin communities:
Herding
Traditionally, a 12-year old girl, who steps into a more challenging stage of her life as a shepherdess for her mother’s and female relatives’ flocks, gets a sakhala (small goat) or clothes at the end of the year A 16-year old boy, who is responsible for the family’s and other relatives’ camels, gets a xmas oud (small camel) at the end of the year as a reward. Hired herders are paid cash of up to EGP 10, 000 for those tending camels and about EGP 1,500 for sheep and goat herders. Herding as a traditional practice is still very common in the Gulf of Aqaba.
Flocks move to a tribal and non-tribal rangeland in times of drought. Movement starts in spring (around October or November) and lasts for about 4–5 months. It takes place in different wadi. Herding in the Gulf of Aqaba is considered poor as compared with herding in the north of Sinai. The Mezeina tribe in South Sinai never relies on livestock raising for a living.
Bedouin communities derive milk from the animals they produce and raise. They spin and weave wool into traditional bags, rugs and camels’ saddle, among other things.
When the distribution of fodder stopped in 1990, the raising of sheep and goats ceased. Generally, records from 1982 to 1990 show a decrease in the number of sheep and goats as well as in the number of owners. The Mezeina tribe associated the decrease with the drought and the shortage of natural grass and the ensuing involvement of the Bedouins in tourism activities.
However, they believed that herding will always be a part of their life as it plays an important role in marriage, birth or death of relatives and friends wherein a hermula (a sheep) is offered as a present. In addition, there is a belief that a flock of sheep and goats is a woman’s property that must be taken care of. From an anthropological point of view, the present (a sheep) is a sort of reciprocal active contribution in special occasions that symbolize the Bedouins’ social cohesion and surety.
Fishing
Fishing was allowed in the designated portion of the protected area of the Gulf of Aqaba before the Governor banned it in May 2002.
El Mezeina is known to be the only tribe on the coast of the Gulf of Aqaba that depends heavily on fishing. Fishing activities are now controlled and supervised by the staff of Ras Mohammad National Park System (RMNPS) of the EEAA to prevent over fishing or loss of some rare fish species.
Five years ago, the Fishermen Cooperative Association introduced 13 motorboats with horsepower ranging from 3.9 to 25. They were sold to the Bedouin fishermen by instalment. All rowboats, on the other hand, are made of wood and the two motorized boats are covered with fibreglass.
Fishing starts in the middle of April and lasts for 2–3 months. The season begins with the hunting of Lethrinidae in Ras Mohammed when there is moonlight. Fishing areas extend along the coast of Gulf of Aqaba.
Fish are delivered to the government’s Fishermen Cooperative. Some are sold to middlemen who do not rely heavily on local fishing and who transport them to hotels, tourist villages and restaurants. Fish is conserved or preserved by drying.
Farming
The environmental conditions of the Gulf of Aqaba limit cultivation to small-scale gardens, mainly in Dahab and Nuweiba. Different fruits, vegetables and trees are grown. Some 1,455 wells provide irrigation in Dahab and Nuweiba
Other Occupation and Job Opportunities
A number of Bedouin people work in recreational services, tourism, hotel management, diving clubs, restaurants, cafeterias, supermarkets and bazaars. Others work in construction and quarries. Some are drivers and mechanics. Inhabitants of RMNPS, which include the Nabq Multiple-use Management Protected Area, proposed additional tourism projects that will soon be established in the area.
Community organizing (CO) shall be the basic mechanism for preparing the target communities of Bedouins in Nabq for the current and future activities related to resource protection, conservation and regeneration. CO prepares the community to overcome shared problems and needs. It deems to transform communities in any ecological setting into more independent, self-reliant and viable entities.
Some key considerations shall be undertaken to ensure the success of community-based related projects, namely:
1. The project staff will have to live, plan and work with the community. When the community already becomes self-reliant, the roles will then be passed to capable leaders of the community.
2. The local people know better what concerns them most, and how limitations can be overcome, hence, people are enjoined to plan, decide, implement and evaluate their actions. They shall be motivated to build consensus on certain issues rather than compete in resolving them.
3. Leadership shall not only be confined to the traditional and political units of a leader. It includes the development and mobilization of the youth, women and the marginalized sectors as local leaders.
4. The CO framework may be modified depending on the type of communities, the ecological state and the kind of CO-worker.
5. The Protectorate should believe that local knowledge, their technologies, practices, groupings and the like are very useful in attaining particular objectives of a project.
CO shall be introduced as an alternative approach in implementing the CBEMRM project in Nabq because of the following reasons and field realities:
1. The Nabq Multipurpose Management area is part of the Ras Mohammad National Park which means that the environmental management activities will become a felt responsibility of the stakeholders including the local people;
2. The indigenous people derive their living and so the CO strategy of social marketing will let them feel the need to conserve coastal resources for future generation;
3. There is potential for active participation of local people based on the relatively young population in a household;
4. CO approach to some extent, aside from being locally facilitated, have also facilitated implementation of environmental activities;
5. CO processes can facilitate good partnership with local agencies; and
6. There are better opportunities for more people-oriented dissemination of environment-friendly, custom-fit technical assistance or technology extension.
The Protectorate should recognize that CO is an integral part of a large project and plays a vital role in facilitating other project components. Community participation is promoted and encouraged by UNDP projects along the Nile River wherein the depressed and marginalized local communities along Nile River are organized to implement and sustain various sustainable alternative livelihood funded by UNDP.
CO shall be guided by a framework called “tri-track” or “two-winged” approach (see Figure 1). The local community will be the centre of all actions. To attain a well-managed environment and to improve economic conditions, the local initiatives will be developed to enhance the community. Attention will be given to mangrove development through ecotourism as well as coastal environment and management. The project will also consider the indigenous knowledge systems, basic norms in the community and the policies governing coastal and resource management.
Figure 1 Community organizing strategy for community-based ecotourism and mangrove resources management.
However, the framework can be modified depending on the peculiarities of the area, the type of communities and site conditions. There are field realities that will either enhance or hinder the movement and possible adjustment of the activities. These are worth documenting for future projects and program reforms.
