Within a country, imports can increase food availability and can lower domestic food prices. This can result in gains for consumers for whom access to more diverse foods is improved, but could also result in reduced farm incomes for resource-poor farmers who cannot compete globally (see Part 2).
As with income, food price changes consist of an important pathway through which trade affects nutrition. Trade openness can affect the relative prices of different foods, which, in turn, shape food consumption and dietary patterns, depending on how consumers respond to these price changes. Consumer responsiveness to changes in relative prices is influenced by a multitude of factors and it is not easy to predict (see Box 3.4). For example, as incomes increase and people become more affluent, their responsiveness to food price changes declines. This is due to the decline in the share of food in total consumer expenditure but also due to shifts in preferences (see Part 1).138, 139
BOX 3.3What is a healthy diet?
Unhealthy diets are a major risk factor of multiple forms of malnutrition and poor health outcomes globally. Unhealthy diets are also a major cause of ill-health and premature death due to preventable non-communicable diseases.159
The topic of what is a healthy diet appears regularly in the public media and has been the source of debate in many communities. In 2024, FAO and the World Health Organization (WHO) will publish a joint statement on what constitutes a healthy diet, and the role of guidelines to support efforts to achieve them.
Healthy diets are those that are adequate in nutrients, diverse in foods consumed, balanced in intake of energy and sources of energy (macronutrients), and moderate in the consumption of foods and dietary components associated with non-communicable disease risk.160
The foods people eat that make up their diet are highly contextual, based on food access, culture, traditions, preferences and many other factors. So, while the four principles of healthy diets are universal, based on human biology, recommended dietary patterns must be local. Food-based dietary guidelines translate the concept of healthy diets into concrete contextually appropriate recommendations. These dietary guidelines are intended to establish a basis for public food and nutrition, health and agricultural policies and nutrition education programmes to foster healthy eating habits and lifestyles. Dietary guidelines offer advice on foods, food groups and dietary patterns to promote health and prevent all forms of malnutrition and related health outcomes. More than 100 countries worldwide have developed food-based dietary guidelines that are adapted to their nutrition situation, food availability, culinary cultures and eating habits.161
Increasingly countries are also taking into consideration the importance of sustainability within their dietary guidelines and in 2024, FAO will launch new guidance for the development of agrifood-systems-based dietary guidelines.
BOX 3.4Consumer response to changes in relative prices
Consumers respond differently to price changes of different foods, and this depends on many factors including income levels (see Part 1). A systematic review of global evidence on consumer response to changes in food prices in 2015 suggests that the responsiveness of the demand for different food categories to prices was relatively low.*, 162 However, in low-income countries, where a large share of household expenditure is dedicated to food, demand was found to be most responsive to food price changes, as these would affect poor consumers disproportionally. Substitution effects are also important. For example, increases in the price of one food can affect the demand for another food, as consumers substitute relatively more expensive foods for cheaper alternatives. Most foods can be seen as substitutes to each other, but the extent to which substitution takes place depends on preferences and on how foods meet different needs. For example, different types of cereals could be substitutes as they meet identical needs, and thus any of their combination would be equally valuable.163
A study found that a 10 percent increase in the price of cereals in low-income countries could lead to a 6.1 percent decline in the consumption of cereals, but also to an increase of 4.2 percent in the combined consumption of fruits and vegetables, fish, dairy, fats and oils, and sweets.164 A review of 160 studies in 2010 suggests that, in general, food away from home such as soft drinks, fruit juice and meats are most responsive to price changes. For example, a 10 percent increase in the price of soft drinks would reduce their consumption by 8 to 10 percent. Again, consumers in low-income countries were found to be more sensitive to price changes as compared with those in richer countries.165 In Chile, a study, using data between 2012 and 2013, suggests an increase of 10 percent in the price of soft drinks was associated with a 13.7 percent reduction in their consumption. This price increase also resulted in substitution effects, leading to an increased consumption of plain water by 6.3 percent.166
In the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, between 2005 and 2011 the price of ready meals, pizza and packaged food declined by almost 7 percent relative to the price of all food. Nevertheless, changing consumer preferences led to a decline in the calories derived from consuming ready meals and an increase in the calories derived from the consumption of fruits.167 Using household-level survey data for India for the period 1987–2012, a study suggests that, over time, the demand for cereals became more responsive to changes in their price, independently of changes in income and prices of other foods. This suggests a shift in household preferences away from cereals, matching nutrition transition trends.168
Consumer preferences are important in shaping the extent to which the demand for foods responds to relative price changes. Nevertheless, preferences are hard to observe and estimate. Thus, while consumers do respond to changes in relative prices of foods, the magnitude of the response and the exact response mechanisms depend on the interplay of various factors and may lead to unexpected outcomes. According to a study that attempted to assess why consumers prefer a particular food over another, price was one of many attributes. Other attributes included taste, safety, convenience, nutrition (for example the amount and type of fat, protein, vitamins and other nutrients), tradition (whether foods preserve traditional dietary patterns), origin (where the primary agricultural product was grown), fairness (the extent to which all parties involved in the food value chain equally benefit), appearance and environmental impact (effect of food production on the environment).169
In a country, food prices are also determined by the cost of production, which, in turn, is influenced by a variety of inputs, as for example, land, labour, fertilizers, pesticides and animal feed. Technology, which determines how inputs are combined in the production process, as well as temperature and rainfall, also affect the cost of production. Countries engage in trade to export what they can produce at a lower cost relative to other countries, while importing what is more expensive to be produced domestically. This exchange mechanism results in significant gains and promotes food security globally (see Part 2).
For example, consumers in countries with low land endowments relative to their population, who would otherwise face high food prices, can have access through trade to lower-priced food.140 In this way, trade can help narrow the differences between prices of similar foods across countries. Indeed, in theory, the law of one price states that trade, in the absence of frictions such as transport costs and distortions such as domestic support, trade policies and regulations, would result in the prices of similar food products across countries becoming equal.u, 141
Examining average import price levels per calorie for different food categories that are traded across the world can, in general, help understand how nutritional outcomes could be affected by relative food prices. For example, on average, prices are highest for vegetables, followed by fruits,v irrespective of country income level (Figure 3.10; see Box 2.1 for data definitions and Box 3.2 for information on data conversions and limitations).
FIGURE 3.10Import prices of food categories across countries, 2021
Animal source foods are the third most expensive category of traded foods, followed by sweets and beverages. Staple foods, fats and oils, and pulses, seeds and nuts are, on average, much cheaper than all other food categories.w These foods are energy-dense, can be produced and transported in bulk, and can be stored easily for extended periods of time, making them relatively cheaper. Fruits and vegetables are rich in nutrients, fibre and water but less energy-dense, which makes them relatively costly when measured on a per calorie basis. In fact, the value of foods such as fruits and vegetables is less in their caloric content than in their nutrient content, and nutrient-density appears to be an important determinant of food prices (see Box 3.5).
BOX 3.5Pricing nutrients
Trade prices can also be expressed for nutrients. An analysis conducted for this report estimated average trade prices of macronutrients and micronutrients based on a new dataset that reports the nutrient content of every food item traded. Consumers may not explicitly assess nutrient prices when they purchase food, and their preferences between nutrient content such as Vitamin A or iron are not well-defined.170 Nevertheless, governments have to consider the adequacy of nutrients in the food available for consumption by their citizens, and they must also assess the relative underlying values to guide policy choices and regulation on how to ensure availability and diversity in foods and nutrients.
Estimating the implicit trade prices of nutrients across countries with different levels of income reveals how global markets could help address the trade-offs between economic and nutrition objectives. Some studies underline the negative effect of exports from low- and middle-income countries on the availability of diverse foods in their domestic markets, which could result in hindering improvements on nutritional outcomes.* Nevertheless, implicit trade prices for nutrients suggest that low- and middle-income countries appear to benefit from international trade by exchanging high-priced for low-priced macronutrients (Figure 3.12). Low- and middle-income countries as a group export carbohydrates and fats at a higher price to high-income countries than they import, thus engaging in “nutritional arbitrage”, similar to the trade in aquatic products (see Box 2.3).**, 171
FIGURE 3.12Prices of macronutrients by trade between country income groups, 2000–2021
Along with macronutrients, the analysis carried out for this report also estimated the implicit trade prices of micronutrients (minerals and vitamins) embedded in food trade flows. Overall, the results suggest that the content of micronutrients significantly contributes to the price of foods, indicating the higher the micronutrient content in a food item, the higher its trade price.
More specifically, international consumers appear to be willing to pay a premium for foods rich in minerals and in vitamins A and C. Conversely, the content of B-group vitamins in foods exchanged on international markets is not significantly correlated with the price of foods.
However, there is a close relationship between the combined content of many of the macronutrients and micronutrients in a food and its price. For example, foods rich in one mineral usually include relevant amounts of many other minerals. Often, foods rich in one vitamin of the B-group also include relevant amounts of other B-group vitamins. Foods rich in protein also include high amounts of minerals and certain vitamins of the B-group. This makes it difficult to identify how the content of specific micronutrients in foods affects their prices. However, it strongly suggests that premiums are paid for foods that are rich in micronutrients in general.172
Analysing average import prices per calorie according to food processing level shows that processed foods, followed by ultra-processed foods, are the most expensive foods across all country income levels. Unprocessed and minimally processed foods and processed culinary ingredients are relatively cheaper (Figure 3.11).x
Processed foods include many energy-dense high-value foods and beverages such as cheeses, cured meats, beer and wine (see Box 2.2). Processing requires additional resources, adding value to primary food products and is reflected in relatively higher prices, as compared to unprocessed and minimally processed foods. Ultra-processed foods are usually energy-dense and undergo an elaborate production process, which makes them relatively expensive. Processed culinary ingredients are often used as inputs in the food industry and, on average, are relatively less expensive.
Income effects on prices of non-intensively traded foods
In general, high-income countries appear to import more expensive foods while import prices of low- and middle-income countries are, on average, lower in all food categories and processing levels (Figure 3.10 and Figure 3.11, respectively). Higher prices can reflect quality differences in the foods traded, different food baskets, differences in transportation costs and more stringent product standards. However, depending on trade intensity, prices across countries also diverge systematically due to differences in income. For example, high productivity levels in countries that trade intensively raise the general wage level, which in turn increases incomes. Higher purchasing power results in all goods, especially those that are not traded intensely, being more expensive in these high-productive countries as compared to those in lower-income countries.y Food prices are not an exception, and across countries prices of foods that are not traded intensively in global markets such as fruits and vegetables tend to differ systematically with income levels (Figure 3.10).
Although in a country, trade openness in general lowers food prices, higher income levels can exert an upward pressure on foods that are not traded intensively. These forces work simultaneously as general trade openness results in higher incomes. To disentangle these effects from each other, economists adjust for purchasing power to reveal the undiluted trade effect when comparing high- and low-income countries (see next section).142
Trade barriers and food prices
Lower trade barriers such as import tariffs and non-tariff barriers, which include standards and regulations, are associated with higher volumes of food trade. Trade liberalization including import tariff reductions would, in general, intensify competition and lower the food price level within the country leveraging the tariff, thus improving access to food. However, for different foods the magnitude and direction of the impact depends on a number of factors including the net-trade position of the country lifting the trade barrier and its importance in the global food market.143
Evidence from China’s trade liberalization in the early 2000s suggests that tariff reductions and lowering non-tariff barriers to trade were associated with an increase in prices for vegetables but also a significant decline in the price of meat. These changes in relative prices were in line with trade patterns, as at that time China was an exporter of vegetables but a major importer of meat and fats.144 The final impact on nutritional outcomes would depend on how trade liberalization affects prices at the retail level and how consumers would respond to these changes and adjust their consumption.
Indeed, the retail price paid by consumers is influenced by a myriad of domestic factors other than import tariffs such as the efficiency of domestic value chains, national regulations, institutional quality, and the market structure that determines the nature of competition among producers, traders, food processors and retailers. Recent studies suggest that, on average, import tariffs may have a relatively modest effect on the relative prices of different foods and that import tariffs may contribute minimally to food prices at the retail level.145, 146
Analysis carried out for this report shows that, at the global level, lower import tariffs are generally associated with lower food retail prices measured on a per calorie basis and adjusted for purchasing power (Figure 3.13).147 Visualizing the price distributions of 547 food items across 170 countries, derived from the World Bank’s International Comparison Programme, shows that foods tend to be more expensive in countries with a high level of tariffs on primary agricultural products than in countries with relatively lower tariffs.z, aa
FIGURE 3.13Distribution of food prices according to average tariff level, 2017
Trade openness as reflected by lower import tariffs can result, on average, in a lower food price level and improve access for food. However, this average impact can mask different effects on different foods and across net exporting or net importing countries. Due to the various and, partly, counteracting factors and channels affecting the relationship between trade openness and food prices, any ad hoc predictions on price effects of trade policy changes on specific foods are difficult to make and would require a dedicated framework for scenario analysis.
Trade and the cost of healthy diet food baskets
While the average impact of trade barriers on food prices is evident, there are concerns that trade openness may disproportionately lower prices for foods that are less conducive to healthy diets, leading to the displacement of higher-quality local foods with negative implications for nutrition.148, 149, 150 An analysis carried out for this report, classifying foods in line with the cost and affordability of a healthy diet (CoAHD) indicator,151 assessed whether lower prices observed in countries that apply lower import tariffs are driven by low price levels of foods of high energy density and minimal nutritional value.152
Since 2020, FAO has been publishing the CoAHD to reflect the population’s physical and economic access to the least expensive foods that meet the requirements for a healthy diet, as defined in food-based dietary guidelines (see Box 3.3). For each country, based on 422 foods that are part of a “healthy diet basket”, the CoAHD indicator is composed of 11 least-cost food items from six food categories including starchy staples, animal source foods, legumes, nuts and seeds, vegetables, fruits, oils and fats.153
Differentiating foods between those included in healthy diet baskets and those that are not, the analysis points out that, along almost the entire price distribution, higher import tariffs are associated with higher prices irrespective of whether or not foods are included in the healthy diet basket (Figure 3.14). This suggests that trade liberalization and trade openness do not have a disproportionate effect on foods of high energy density and minimal nutritional value, on average, for all food items considered and across all countries.
FIGURE 3.14Distribution of prices of foods according to their inclusion in healthy diet baskets, by average tariff level, 2017
The effects of the average tariff level on specific individual foods can vary widely. For example, around 50 percent of the cheapest foods included in the healthy diet basket (the ones used for the estimation of the CoAHD) are domestically sourced and possibly not intensively traded, further constraining the potential of trade liberalization to significantly influence prices.154 At the same time, foods that are traded can, depending on many factors, be responsive to changes in trade barriers (see Part 4 on the impact of trade agreements on the import demand for different foods).